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But first, Boris Yeltsin has arrived in New York

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to address the United Nations Security Council and meet with

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President Bush about further arms cuts.

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Joining me tonight to talk about those cuts, and the current

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situation in Russia is Vitaly Churkin, Spokesman for the

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Russian Foreign Ministry.

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It is very good to see an old friend back.

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We began in interviews and talking to each other in

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Washington in the early 1980s, and it's a pleasure to see you.

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Thank you, Charlie.

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Let me begin by asking where you were during the

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coup, those dramatic events, and just recollect for me what in

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the world you thought was going to happen?

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Well, believe it or not, Charlie, I was

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vacationing in the Middle East.

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So I got the news practically on my way from Aleppo, Syria, to

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Beirut, Lebanon, of all places.

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And the first more or less clear news came to me in Beirut, when,

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together with our ambassador, we were watching Soviet television,

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which was received by our embassy in Beirut, and the

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famous press conference.

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I must confess, of course I realized immediately that

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something bad was happening in our country, and it was clear to

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me what the nature of events was, but from that perspective,

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I was not certain of the details.

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It was clear to me, from the outset, I had that feeling, that

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it would not last, but of course, I did not expect that it

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would last only three days.

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So in my mind, I was preparing myself for my return, and was

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playing in my mind what I should do and what situations might

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come up.

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So that was psychologically quite an unpleasant experience.

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And when did you get back?

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I got back when the first airplane came to

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Damascus to pick me up, and I had a ticket for that airplane,

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but it was already when everything was over with.

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And had Bessmertnykh resigned by then?

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Yes, by then, we did not have a Foreign

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Minister.

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And then you got a new Foreign Minister, and you

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were spokesman for him.

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Yes.

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And then you had - were spokesman for

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Shevardnadze again.

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Shevardnadze again, yes.

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And then you became spokesman for - VITALY

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New country, a new Foreign Ministry, and a new

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Foreign Minister, yes.

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Would you stay in this job?

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Well, that does not always depend on diplomats,

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where they stay, and probably it would be a good time for me to

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contemplate moving.

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Let me talk about this man, Yeltsin, who is here.

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Are we on - at a great moment in history, in a sense, when we

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think what nuclear weapons have meant, in terms of Cold War?

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Are we standing on the eve of an extraordinary significant

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destruction of nuclear weapons because of proposals that

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Yeltsin brings, and the receptivity by the Bush

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administration?

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Absolutely.

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I think that we have a great thing going, and the process,

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which was started by President Bush and President Gorbachev,

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you'll recall, last fall, is continuing now, at a really

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accelerated speed.

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And we are going to witness great efforts put by our two

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nations, not into building weapons, but merely, maybe more

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in destroying those weapons.

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So I'm sure that very shortly, we'll see a quite different

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situation.

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Maybe we'll be able to do away with tactical nuclear weapons

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altogether.

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We'll have a much smaller, much cheaper, and much more

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stabilizing strategic nuclear force.

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Do you expect the United States, though, to - one

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of the principal parts of what Gorbachev, what Yeltsin has said

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is that the United States and Soviet Union would jointly

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develop an SDI system.

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Do you think the United States will be receptive to that at all

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now, at this stage?

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I would prefer to be optimistic.

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I think we'll certainly discuss that.

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I'm sure that some level of cooperation is possible.

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In a way, the table is turned around, because, of course, we

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all remember that it was President Reagan, who for the

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sake of argument, once put that forward.

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Yes he did.

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Now it's our turn to propose it seriously.

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But the good thing is that, I think on both sides, we are able

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and prepared to discuss the whole problem of strategic

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defense in a very open-minded and unbiased manner.

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This is the New York Times for Friday, January

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31, 1992.

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A story about Yeltsin.

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Seven months since he became President of Russia, and seven

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weeks since he led the dismantling of the Soviet Union,

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Boris Yeltsin remains an ambiguous and complex figure.

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A Democrat who rules by decree, a populace who risks draconian

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reform, a public politician who defies easy classification.

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A very good definition of a charismatic

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leader, I think.

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But nevertheless, because of some things we read

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in the Western press, there is the impression that some Western

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governments are uneasy by what they call personality or erratic

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behavior.

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They reports of drinking, they read reports of disappearance,

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and they say, who is this man?

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And is he stable?

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Well, first, I think that in some cases, at

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least, there is some misunderstanding.

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Maybe some disconnect somewhere in communications.

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So things which are not unexpected back in Moscow are

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perceived as something quite unexpected in the world.

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Not unexpected in Moscow?

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Which are expected in Moscow.

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Some appointments which were not there, are regarding as

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something which was firmly set, and therefore broken, et cetera,

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et cetera.

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It's no secret that now in Moscow, there is a situation

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when not all government institutions are functioning

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very smoothly.

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So when they have those problems of communication from time to

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time.

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Is there some unease, though?

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Even in Moscow, about Yeltsin?

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Well, they will have a new personality, a very

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popular leader, and he is behaving, I think, the way he

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is.

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This is the man he is.

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I'm sure that he is listening to the concerns which are being

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expressed to him, and I think he said that he's basically taking

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that into account.

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This raises another question.

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You're at the Foreign Ministry.

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You have served in the Foreign Ministry at the US Embassy, and

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then as spokesman for a series of Foreign Ministers that I've

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mentioned.

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Here is a man who comes to power in Russia, at a time of dramatic

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change, obviously, and the most extraordinary change we have

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seen, perhaps, in the century, in terms of dismantling of an

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empire, yet he has not had any dealings in foreign affairs.

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That's not been a role that he's played.

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Can you be up to speed fast enough?

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Does it leave the Foreign Ministry a little worried that

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you can be up to speed fast enough to make the kinds of

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decisions that are called for in a fast-changing world?

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Well first, Charlie, I want to put out that

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President Yeltsin did have some international exposure, so he's

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not coming to his office a novice in international affairs.

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As party leader, or?

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This is not the case, no.

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He has been traveling.

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Before becoming President, he was Chairman of the Supreme

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Soviet, and even he made a couple of trips to the United

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States and some other countries, so it's not exactly - CHARLIE

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Some of which got him in trouble in the Soviet Union.

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But let me point out that the - even given

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all of those very dramatic changes, the transition from the

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Soviet Union to Russia has really happened very smoothly.

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Russia was recognized as a continuing state to the Soviet

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Union very smoothly.

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And we have some problems with the Commonwealth.

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This is understandable, other countries of the Commonwealth,

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this is understandable.

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We're working on them.

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But generally speaking, I think we can be very satisfied, given

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the complexity of the situation.

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By the way, we act on the international arena.

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So this is what is more important.

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What are you worried about with respect -

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you, as you look at the situation there, and with the

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experience you've had, about the conflicts within the other

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republics, and whether that kind of civil war may spread, and

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reach Russia?

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Well, some of the developments are of course,

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very troublesome.

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Troublesome because - CHARLIE ROSE: Georgia.

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Georgia, Nagorno-Karabakh, or the

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Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict.

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They are countries which are very close to us.

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We've had, of course, being all of us, having been a part of the

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same country, we have tried to reach to them and help in those

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situations, whenever we can.

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But I don't really see those conflicts spilling over into the

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Commonwealth, because they have their particular history and

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their particular origin.

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For instance, the Armenia-Azerbaijan, they have

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their problem, I don't see how it can come over to the other

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areas of the Commonwealth.

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So a big civil war among the countries of the Commonwealth, I

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don't see that happening at all.

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What do you need from the United States, other

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than arms agreements, which will allow Yeltsin to take, I assume,

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those funds, and provide housing and food for the Army, and

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maintain the loyalty of the Army, which is one of the things

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that has been concerning leaders of the former Soviet Army.

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There's some concern, I think, with respect to the allegiance

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of that Army, you know?

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And whether they will listen to decisions made by Boris Yeltsin

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and the leadership in Russia.

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Is that concerning other people in the Soviet Union?

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In Russia?

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I don't see that as a major concern, and if

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you follow the Soviet media, which is now a free press, they

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write all sorts of things.

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I don't think it was expressed as a major concern.

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And I, again, after the experience of the August coup, I

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don't see the armed forces as a political entity.

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But they have been politicized, because you

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had military officers serving in the Parliament, so this is a

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politicized army.

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Well, I wouldn't say that the most

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glaring case of politicization came with the argument over the

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Black Sea fleet in Russia and the Ukraine.

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Yes they did.

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Where the military people found themselves

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in a position to decide which allegiance they should take.

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So concern was expressed at that time that now they have to

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choose between Russia and the Ukraine, and they must start

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choosing between, for instance, the President and the

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Parliament, the President and the Prime Minister.

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And efforts were made in order to correct the situation.

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I don't see, of course, there may be all sorts of emotional

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moments because of the difficulties you have referred

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to.

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Social difficulties, and while they're cutting the military

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budget now very drastically, mostly it applies to military

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procurements, which are being cut by 85% or something.

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Yeah.

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But the social element of the military budget,

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they are trying to beef up to the extent they can.

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Nevertheless, given all those difficulties and the possibility

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of some emotional moments like we saw during that meeting of

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officers in Moscow.

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Yes.

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A week or ten days ago.

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Again, the armed forces acting as a political force, I just

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don't see that happening in our country, now.

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Because, I mean, why are you --?

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Well, because it made it difficult to define

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it, but they tried to do that in August, in a situation where

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there was a unified command, clear channels of command in the

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armed forces, and it did not happen.

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The Army does not want to become a political tool, and act in a

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political capacity.

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Because immediately, they are going to be in confrontation

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with the people, and this is impossible.

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What do you expect from the United States?

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Because 85 - I read somewhere that some 84% of the aid that's

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come to the Soviet Union has come not from the United States,

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so it has not been in the lead.

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Does this disappoint the Russian people?

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Does it disappoint the Russian leadership?

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I do not detect such feelings among the people.

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It's good, we think, that aid is coming.

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Of course, we know that the Germans and maybe Italians are

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ahead of the pack.

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Especially the Germans, and something like 80% of the food

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help is coming from Germany.

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But we appreciate, we understand some of the difficulties the

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United States has.

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Domestic problems.

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Economic problems.

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Domestic problems, recession, et cetera,

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et cetera.

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We appreciate the effort which was undertaken in Washington to

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bring together all the possible donors of that aid.

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Does it, the recent conference there, does it

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mean that Russia may be coming closer to Europe?

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And the United States may wake up, and which you have a whole

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new geopolitical structure, with Russia much closer to Europe

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than it is to the United States?

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No.

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first, I think that the aid is an element, maybe an important

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element, but a short-term element in our relationship,

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which can not really determine the overall relationship between

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Russia and the United States, and Russia and Europe.

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We're certainly going to develop our links with European

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countries, feeling a part of Europe, but it is not going to

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be at the detriment of our relations with the United

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States.

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00:13:04,868 --> 00:13:06,868
How does it feel for you, and you and I have

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talked about a lot of things, and I was in Moscow, and we had

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interesting conversation about how you felt about the changes,

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and how - what it meant to you personally, in a sense of being

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free.

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How does it feel to know that experiment didn't work, and that

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00:13:20,567 --> 00:13:21,667
the Cold War is over?

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Positive feeling, I'd guess, but that Russia is not a superpower

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00:13:25,667 --> 00:13:26,667
now?

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That somehow, the United States is the dominant power in the

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world?

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Does that leave any sense of --?

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00:13:33,200 --> 00:13:36,601
Well, Charlie, I think Russia is a superpower.

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Simply because it has nuclear weapons?

295
00:13:38,701 --> 00:13:42,367
Simply because it is a country of 200 million

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00:13:42,367 --> 00:13:45,701
people occupying one-eighth of the land mass.

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But you don't deny that it's a different

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political dynamic now, with respect to the United States?

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It is different.

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I, for one, was never fascinated, particularly

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00:13:55,267 --> 00:13:57,267
fascinated by the name superpower.

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When people, when the standards of living of people become equal

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00:14:00,567 --> 00:14:03,067
to those of the United States, I'll be completely happy, even

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00:14:03,067 --> 00:14:08,000
if we, in some other terms, become completely unequal with

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00:14:08,000 --> 00:14:09,834
the United States with some other countries.

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00:14:09,834 --> 00:14:12,634
So the main thing for us now is to concentrate on the reform,

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concentrate on competing with other countries, like the United

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00:14:16,033 --> 00:14:18,033
States, in other areas.

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00:14:18,033 --> 00:14:21,267
Economies, standards of living, ecology, we are far behind.

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So I am not worried about nuclear weapons so much.

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I saw where Yeltsin had some objection to

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00:14:25,534 --> 00:14:27,868
the fact that the President said, in the State of the Union,

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00:14:27,868 --> 00:14:30,000
that the United States had won the Cold War.

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The joke in the United States is that the Cold War is over and

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00:14:33,234 --> 00:14:34,734
Japan and Germany won.

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00:14:34,734 --> 00:14:36,067
Thank you very much.

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A pleasure to see you.

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00:14:37,067 --> 00:14:38,901
Thank you, thank you Charlie.

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00:14:38,901 --> 00:14:41,834
Vitaly Churkin, an old friend, spokesman for the

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Foreign Ministry of Russia.

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Back in a moment.

