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We turn now to Saudi Arabia.

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Over the weekend, the Saudi Crown Prince,

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Mohammad bin Salman,

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ordered the arrest of dozens of Saudi Arabia's

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most influential figures.

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The arrests were made without any formal charges

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and were portrayed as part of a new anti-corruption campaign.

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The purge is the latest move from the Crown Prince

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in his drive to consolidate power and modernize the kingdom.

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On Saturday, President Trump spoke with King Salman

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and praised his son's recent reforms,

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but did not directly address the arrest.

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Joining me now from Washington is Robin Wright.

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She's a contributing writer for the New Yorker

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and a joint fellow at the U.S. Institute of Peace

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and the Woodrow Wilson Center.

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Her most recent piece for the magazine

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is called "The Saudi Royal Purge -- with Trump's Consent."

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Welcome, Robin. Thank you for coming.

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Great to be with you, Charlie.

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So, put all of this in context for us.

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What in the world is going on over there?

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And, you know, pick it up, I assume,

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not only the grand sweep of history

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and a young 30-year-old son

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advancing to be deputy Crown Prince,

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and then throwing out the Crown Prince

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and now making these arrests under the banner of corruption,

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a consolidation of power,

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and he already had a lot of power.

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Make some sense out of this for us.

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This is a real-life Game of Thrones.

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It is arguably the most dramatic moment

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in the modern history of Saudi Arabia.

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The young Crown Prince and his ailing father

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have basically engaged in a --

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what amounts to a kind of coup d'état

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against their own royal family.

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It was a sweeping arrest over the weekend,

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that's reportedly continued through Monday,

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and no one's quite sure when it may end.

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So far, they've netted more than a dozen senior princes,

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three heads of networks, one of the richest men in the world,

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the leader of the most effective branch of the military,

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current and former cabinet ministers.

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This is astonishing in its sweep, and very sudden,

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but it does follow, as you pointed out,

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a number of steps, beginning with the summer

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when the Crown Prince and his father

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orchestrated the removal of the Crown Prince,

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and the young prince, the current king's third son,

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who's only 32 now, stepped in as the Crown Prince.

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He now holds the levers of every single branch

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that is important in the kingdom,

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political, economic, military,

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and within the royal court.

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And now he heads this new anti-corruption commission

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that has allowed him to arrest

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these extraordinary array of his own family,

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the most powerful people --

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among the most powerful people in the kingdom,

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and to seize their assets.

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The New York Times reported that he issued a ban on travel

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for other members of the royal family.

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And it's very uncertain where this is now headed.

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Clearly, he wants to consolidate power.

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Clearly, this is in the run up to some kind of succession,

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whether it is with the King abdicating or becoming a regent

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and the Crown Prince stepping in,

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or paving the way to secure his claim to the throne

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in a very volatile environment

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that has repercussions for the Middle East,

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for the world's financial markets,

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and for the United States and Western allies

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dependent on oil.

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No one has seen the Saudi's fight

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like this publicly before.

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They have ruled by consensus.

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Yes. Absolutely.

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And since the founder of Saudi Arabia, ibn Saud,

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died in 1953, those sons all ruled by consensus.

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They would pick one brother and it went through the dozens

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of the founder King ibn Saud's sons.

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We're now at a point that not only have

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they purged other members of the royal family,

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they've also effectively created a new royal family

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from within the sprawling house of Saud,

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which has now thousands of members.

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And they're excluding, you know,

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hundreds of other princes who are senior.

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Among those purged was one who was a contender

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who's four decades older

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than Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman,

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and this is a way of making sure that he gets the throne.

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What do you think the Americans,

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President Trump,

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his son-in-law knew about this?

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Well, it's very interesting that,

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of course, the relationship

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between Saudi Arabia and the United States

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has been transformed under President Bush.

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There was a lot of tension

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during the Obama administration --

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Under President Bush

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or President Trump?

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Sorry, under President Trump, yes.

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And there was a lot of tension during the Obama administration.

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Trump made his first trip abroad as President to the kingdom.

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They have communicated regularly.

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His son-in-law, Jared Kushner, has made three trips;

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the last one unannounced at the end of October

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in the run-up to this massive purge.

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The pretext was to talk about the Middle East peace process,

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but the --

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Jared Kushner has a very close relationship

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with the Crown Prince. They're both in their thirties.

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They reportedly talk well into the night,

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sometimes until four A.M., about regional issues,

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and there is a real closeness.

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And there is a sense that the Trump administration

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has implicitly,

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if not explicitly, approved what's happening.

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President Trump called the King on Saturday,

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from Air Force One, on his way to Asia,

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and praised him for the kind of statements

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the King and the Crown Prince

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have made, pledging modernization of the capital --

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of the kingdom, and taking a firm stand against terrorism.

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And so there's a sense that the father and son duo

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now in power feel

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that they have the support or the flexibility to go ahead

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and take some really tough steps against their own family

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to secure their power.

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I hear two things. Number one, there is --

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a lot of people are in favor of the kind of reforms that M.B.S.,

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the Crown Prince, had enacted, his plan for economic change

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and his plan for changing certain

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cultural aspects of Saudi Arabia,

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including women driving as a symbol of that.

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Many support that but they object to him moving so fast,

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so young, so inexperienced,

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and there's some pushback to him for that reason.

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Is that true?

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Oh, I think so, absolutely.

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And his Vision 2030, which is an attempt to modernize the kingdom

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and transform parts of the kingdom into areas

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where they have high-tech hubs, for example,

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where there will be a lot of robots,

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where they'll do a lot of medical research,

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that this is a very ambitious plan.

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It calls for the investment of hundreds of billions of dollars.

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And there's a sense that this kind of modernization

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is really critical for the Saudi kingdom to move forward,

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that it has been a -- not only ultra-conservative,

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but dependent, economically, on basically its oil revenues,

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and this is an attempt to diversify.

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The problem, of course, is that economic reform

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is not matched by political form,

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and giving women the right to drive

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doesn't really take you to a place that opens up society.

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And there are also a lot of questions

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about whether women are going to be able to drive

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without getting permission from the male guardian,

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whether there will be limits on the hours,

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whether there will be limits on whether they can drive

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only to work

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and to shop and not to, as some people say,

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joyride, just to get out in their cars and drive.

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And so there are some token steps that have been taken

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or will be taken next year, but they're not meaningful,

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and this is a country where you have,

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you know, somewhere around --

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the majority of the population is well under 30,

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and about a third of them are unemployed.

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And these issues don't address

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some of these fundamental concerns

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that have led to a lot of discontent and have led people,

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whether it's to join Al-Qaeda, join ISIS,

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or become disillusioned with the royal family,

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and this is a problem for the regime.

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They have taken some steps. They have ambitious plans,

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but will they be matched by things

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that will allow them

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to really feel like the country's modernizing?

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It is one of the most conservative countries on Earth.

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It has given us the ideology Wahhabi Islam

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that produced Al-Qaeda.

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And so there are a lot of questions

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about whether it really can adapt,

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especially under the leadership of someone who's only 32.

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Does it have to do with corruption

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or does it have to do with power and maintenance of power?

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Well, as a Saudi editor said to me

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yesterday,

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you know, the kingdom's been corrupt for 40 or 50 years,

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it's been endemic, and the question is,

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are these the people who are the most corrupt

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or are they just the people who might be the most threat

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or be seen as more visionary than the King and his young son?

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You know, corruption is an issue,

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and, yes, it must be dealt with.

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I mean, corruption, as you know as well as anyone,

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is endemic across the Middle East,

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and it's particularly bad

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in an oil-rich state like Saudi Arabia,

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but it's clearly not the only reason,

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and it may not even be the primary reason for this.

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People inside the kingdom resent the royal family,

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resent the kind of wealth

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that is concentrated among the elites,

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but I'm not sure this is the way to handle it.

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And what we don't know are some of the judicial steps,

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are these people being formally charged,

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have they had access to lawyers.

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As far as we know from pictures that were released today,

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a lot of them have been corralled into the Ritz Carlton,

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where there's a strong security contingent,

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and, you know, haven't been allowed to say anything.

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Why is Prince Alwaleed, a businessman,

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included in this?

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One of the most interesting figures

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is Alwaleed al Talal,

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who is one of the richest men in the world.

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He's mixed in his business dealings

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with Bill Gates and Rupert Murdoch.

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He actually bought -- was among the investors

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who took the Plaza in New York off Donald Trump's hands,

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and he bought a yacht from Donald Trump.

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Here's a guy who has investments in Citibank and Lyft.

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He's one of the largest investors in Twitter.

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He's really a forward-thinker and has been very imaginative.

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He gave 20 million dollars to Georgetown University

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to create the Center for Christian-Muslim Understanding.

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And that he was roped in in all of this

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is really an incredible signal to anyone with any resources

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who thinks they can buy their way out

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or that money is a cushion in Saudi Arabia,

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you know, is in for a real shock.

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Will these people be put on trial

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or what's going to happen to them?

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We have no idea.

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And -- but the one last story about --

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Alwaleed.

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Alwaleed is that he got into a Twitter war

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with Donald Trump.

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In 2015, he sent out a tweet saying that he --

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that Trump was not only a disgrace to the Republican Party

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but to the entire United States, and he should step down.

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And eight hours later,

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Trump tweeted back and called him dopey

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and said that he only excelled because of his father's money.

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And, of course, Donald Trump did pretty well off

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his own father's money.

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And so there's been a lot of tension

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between the two ever since.

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I talked to someone today who you know,

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and without being cute, and who said to me,

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look, this is either one of two things,

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a young man who's very, very confident in his own abilities,

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very confident that he can take risky moves and be --

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and prevail, or B, he's very, very, very nervous

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and he's acting first in order to save his own skin.

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It may be a bit of both,

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that this is a young man who has incredible confidence,

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that he has a way to chart a whole different Saudi Arabia,

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after all, he's changing the way that the country is ruled

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and he's changing who rules it,

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but he's also incredibly vulnerable.

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And one of the things that's interesting

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is he may be picking up some of these people

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to ensure that when his father is either incapacitated or dies

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that there isn't a challenge to his own power,

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that he actually does get the throne.

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And he's made a lot of mistakes in a very short period.

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He was -- he became defense minister at the age of 29.

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He was behind Saudi Arabia's war on Yemen,

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which is becoming like its Vietnam.

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He's engaged in a feud with Qatar,

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which is a little peninsula,

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where you just were, off the Saudi Coast,

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and it's not gone well.

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Doha has done -- the royal family

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there has managed to survive

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this isolation by its big neighbor.

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And so the Saudis think they should have

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a more important role in the region,

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just as the -- this particular branch of the family

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thinks it should have a more important role

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inside the kingdom,

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and things aren't going well.

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What's the role, if any,

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of the Crown Prince

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of the United Arab Emirates?

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I don't know the answer to that question.

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Clearly, the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia

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have moved hand in hand

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when it comes to whether it's common policy on Yemen,

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common policy against ISIS.

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They are of like minds in terms of trying to modernize.

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How much the UAE knew about this is unclear.

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You wrote in the newyorker.com,

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"It is the equivalent to waking up to find Warren Buffett

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and the heads of ABC, CBS, and NBC have been arrested,

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a former U.S. official told me.

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It has all the appearances of a coup d'état.

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Saudi Arabia is rapidly becoming another country.

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The kingdom has never been this unstable."

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So, this is not -- this is not over by a long shot.

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Not over; this is really the beginning.

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And the question is can the young Crown Prince sustain

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the momentum of --

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that began this summer with this ousting his predecessor,

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then, in September, arresting prominent clerics

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and intellectuals,

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and now this massive sweep within the royal family.

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And --

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I just take note of one thing

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that you mentioned at the very beginning,

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I mean, one of the powerful military forces in Saudi Arabia

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is the National Guard.

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And the National Guard has been led

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by the Abdullah family,

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who was the previous king who died,

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what, a year or two ago.

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And for years it has been their own power base.

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Then, all of a sudden, they replaced the head

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of the National Guard

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with one of their own appointees.

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And, in some ways,

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he was the most powerful man removed.

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The National Guard in Saudi Arabia

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is the most effective military branch,

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best trained, it has always had the primary role

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of protecting the royal family.

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And by taking over --

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by ousting him and putting in his own man,

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the Crown Prince has basically taken over

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all the branches now of the security forces.

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So, it will be very hard for anyone to challenge him.

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And -- and this was, in some ways, the most shocking.

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It's eliminated a man who was Miteb al Abdullah,

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who was widely seen as a potential future king himself.

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Robin Wright, thank you so much.

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We'll be right back. Stay with us.

